Rostow's five developmental stages assert that every society undergoes these phases to attain a developed stage. Originally crafted to morally legitimise colonialism, the theory neglects to address the environmental and cultural constraints inherent in the development process.
Colonial and geographical exploration is essential to understanding developments surrounding water availability and accessibility that shape development. During the colonial period, famines were generally caused by political and social factors rather than geographical ones.
The general discourse attributes the development process and policy regime less to climatic and regional geographical conditions, as evidenced by the great famine of the late nineteenth century when economic growth became stagnant. Initially, until 1876, British policy documents attributed famines to natural conditions, specifically grain shortages. Over time, the focus shifted towards recognizing the role of water availability and waterborne diseases, as seen in the famine of 1899.
Originally, British policies primarily focused on ensuring agricultural water supply through state-led interventions such as the construction of dams, canals, and reservoirs. In the latter half of the 19th century, the colonial state took charge of canal construction in parts of Punjab and the United Province to extract higher land revenue and raw materials through land reclamation and the expansion of sedentary agriculture. The consequences of these actions to enhance water availability in the region manifested as environmental stresses like salinity, waterlogging, and flooding, incurring significant economic costs.
After World War I, colonial policies began emphasising the public trustee system to ensure drinking water supply by constructing masonry wells, tanks, etc. According to colonial policy, public trustees were considered more effective than community ownership for the common pool. This view by the British government might have been influenced by the understanding that religious sentiments and social hindrances couldn't make common resources more accessible.
The British government viewed the public trustee system as a way to ensure the availability of drinking water by allocating funds for private wells, opening wells for suppressed classes, or constructing separate wells for these classes. Additionally, during this period, some court judgments (water and temple entry movement cases and appeals) upheld the open access to wells over religious sacred theories.
It is crucial to recognise that in colonial times, policies were not always translated into action, and court judgments did not consistently influence implementation. Ultimately, through the process of law codification, community sentiments took precedence over individual needs and values, aiming to prevent potential revolts like the one in 1857 and maintain societal divisions for perpetual rule over Indians.
If offering open access to the lake was to hurt the religious sentiments of the upper class of society, then the British were reluctant to interfere in the social norms. If accessible common water resources could promote social unity, then the British were also hesitant to interfere. By the way, the British were more inclined to interfere broadly in agricultural water for colonial self-interest, seeking revenue rise rather than addressing drinking water needs.
After independence, the legacy of constructing multi-purpose large dams persisted instead of focusing on minor dams, wells, tanks, etc. A consistent pattern was observed, wherein even after the Green Revolution, per capita water consumption remained stagnant until 1991. This suggests that the significant increase in water consumption was driven more by the economic reforms of 1991 and subsequent industrialisation than by agriculture, despite agriculture being the largest consumer of water hitherto.
The temperate regions tend to be more developed when compared to tropical countries, particularly those in the global south. The influence of low temperatures, ample water resources, and minimal aridity is directly correlated with increased labour productivity and the efficient utilisation of natural resources.
In countries like India, where a four-month monsoon season prevails, agro-economic activities become seasonal, leading to distinct peak and slack seasons influenced by aridity. This pattern contrasts with regions like Japan or North Australia, where the monsoon is more evenly distributed over a longer duration.
Challenges arise for economically disadvantaged countries with low financial viability in managing the centralised control of water during the four-month monsoon. The inherent seasonality of economic activities in these nations makes them more susceptible to the impacts of climate change, unlike their temperate counterparts. Consequently, countries such as India have historically faced numerous famines, resulting in economic stagnation, demographic shifts, increased disease prevalence, and elevated marginal energy costs of water lifting.
Basalt trap regions, shaped by unique geographical conditions, are particularly prone to natural water scarcity. In India, water scarcity was generally more due to social and political factors that led to unequal access to water sources. Between World War periods, in peninsular India, there were water movements. All these suggest that geographically basalt trap regions and socially oppressed classes suffered the most during famines.
The current discourse exposes the role of the railway in taking out grains from the hinterland, causing famines, as in the case of 1943 Bengal, etc.
Historical zamindari land settlements in Bengal, Orissa, Jharkhand, and Bihar led to severe famines, attributed more to political and social factors than geographical conditions. Granting land ownership rights to the upper caste marginalised certain communities. Land and water are highly correlated; without land, many natural resources or common pools become inaccessible. This area has faced the greatest famines in India, such as the Bengal famines of 1770, 1876, and 1943. These famines were not due to geographical conditions but rather political and social factors.
In these regions, factors such as railway lines, the diversion of food grains for the military, the commercialisation of crops, and extremely unequal land distribution played crucial roles. Granting land ownership rights to zamindars had put marginalised communities at the mercy of land-holding communities.
There is no doubt that land and water have a very high correlation. Without land, many natural resources or common pools can't be accessible. The existing literature characterizes the above-discussed famines more as grain famines than water scarcity. Additionally, disease prevalence and malnutrition are attributed to hunger, but not necessarily to the availability of potable water.
The government can introduce geography-specific poverty-alleviating initiatives, such as MGNREGA, to ensure decentralised water access, mitigate urban migration, and more. Emphasis should be placed on the construction of small-scale dams and reservoirs that are environmentally friendly to local ecosystems. To achieve water decentralisation, Local Panchayats should be legally and financially empowered to take autonomous action based on community knowledge. This is crucial due to variations in social characteristics, geology, topography, watershed areas, etc., from village to village. Without financial empowerment, Village Water Committees cannot effectively carry out their institutional functions.
Addressing river disputes like the Cauvery can involve incentivising community-driven interventions in river basins, promoting rainwater harvesting, implementing water checks, tank construction, and well rejuvenation. These interventions have multifaceted impacts, including reducing displacement, supporting local livelihoods, conserving the environment, minimising flood risks, increasing groundwater levels, and alleviating the burden on existing dams for drinking and agricultural water.
Instead of constructing a large dam for hydroelectric energy needs, the state can harness the same energy by constructing several decentralised water structures with federal power devolution. Each level of water governance should maintain independent committees or management bodies to ensure fair participation from the community, including interdisciplinary experts, technocrats, and members from diverse backgrounds, fostering accountability and transparency while minimizing political intervention.
Initiatives like the Jal Jeevan Mission prioritise providing tap water to quality-affected villages, aspirational districts, SC/ST majority villages, water-scarce areas, and Saansad Adarsh Gram Yojana (SAGY) villages. While the Jal Jeevan Mission aims to address barriers, policy documents and ground implementation reveal several loopholes.
The aforementioned measures can significantly overcome geographical and political obstacles to water accessibility. A different approach is essential to address social hurdles such as religious sacred theories, legacies of colonial land revenue systems, and unequal land distribution.
Author
Prashant Vilas Kumbhar is an MA in Development from Azim Premji University, Bangalore.
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